Beulah is an historic farm property on Sydney south-west rural-urban fringe. Beulah has a frontage to Sydney’s notorious Appin Road and is an area of Sydney’s ever increasing urban sprawl. The property is caught in a pincer movement between two new land releases at Appin and Mount Gilead. These developments threaten to strangle the life out of Beulah is a vast sea of homogenised suburbia by swallowing up local farmland.
In 2015 NSW Planning Minister Stokes declared that Sydney’s ‘urban sprawl is over’ with the land release for 35,000 new homes at Mount Gilead, Wilton and Menangle Park. On the other hand planning Professor Peter Phibbs, from the University of Sydney, stated that the land release meant that there was ‘urban sprawl plus’.  Needless to say these sentiments are not new and were expressed in the Macarthur region in 1973, meanwhile urban sprawl continues.
Beulah is a heritage gem and possesses stories about local identities and events that add to a sense of place and construction of a local identity. Beulah was purchased by the Sydney Living Museums in 2010 as part of its endangered houses fund project.
The Beulah estate is located on the eastern edge of the clay soils of the Cumberland Plain abutting the Sydney sandstone of the Georges River catchment. The property contains an 1830s stone farm cottage with a number of out-buildings, a stone bridge and 60 hectares of critically endangered woodland. Beulah’s sense of place is constructed around stories associated with the Campbelltown’s pioneering Hume family best known for Hamilton Hume and his overland journey to the Port Phillip area in 1824-1825 with William Hovell. Hamilton Hume was granted 300 acres at Appin for this work, which he named ‘Brookdale’, and in 1824 the Hume and Hovell expedition to Port Phillip left from this property on the Appin Road north of the village, near where the Hume and Hovell Monument now stands. The Hume Monument was erected in 1924 by the Royal Australian Historical Society to commemorate Hume’s 1824 expedition.
The earliest European occupation of the Beulah site, according to Megan Martin from Sydney Living Museums, were emancipated Irish convict Connor Bland who constructed the farm cottage around 1835-1836. Boland put the property up for sale in 1836 and called it Summerhill. The Hume family purchased the property in 1846 and then leased it out. In 1884 the property was renamed Beulah and members of the Hume family lived there until 1936 when it was left to the RSPCA while Hume family associates were given occupancy rights and lived in the house until the 1960s.
Ellen Hume and Beulah were featured in “The Australian Home Beautiful” in 1934 in an article by Nora Cooper, photographs by Harold Cazneaux and descriptions of Hume family furniture. The forest which Miss Hume treated as a private sanctuary The Hume Sanctuary received special attention. It was Ellen’s wish that her trees be left to the nation….
The Beulah estate was purchased by developers in the 1970s who anticipated land re-zoning linked with the 1973 New Cities Structure Plan for Campbelltown, Appin and Camden. The state government released the New Cities Plan as part of the 1968 Sydney Region Outline Plan. The plan was based on the utopian dream of British New Towns like Milton Keynes and plans for the development of Canberra. Some of the new Campbelltown suburbs that appeared in the 1970s followed the Radburn model developed in the United States, which had houses facing a shared green space with no back fences. They turned out to be a disaster and the state government has spent hundreds of millions of dollars reversing these houses so they face the street in suburbs like Macquarie Fields, Minto and Ambarvale.
The original New Cities Plan turned into a developers dream and created the notion of ‘Ugly Campbelltown’ in the Sydney press by the end of the 1970s around public housing . Camden and Appin escaped the worst of the housing releases of the 1970s. Sydney’s urban sprawl reached the Camden LGA in the 1980s at Mount Annan and Currans Hill, while Appin has only seen extensive land releases in recent years. The 1973 Macarthur Growth Centre failed to materialise in its planned form and in the process cannibalised Campbelltown’s main street and left it a shell of its former country town self.
In 1973 the State Planning Authority, according to the State Heritage Inventory, conducted a survey of significant 19th buildings in 1973 and identified Beulah and Humewood as significant. The National Trust of Australia (NSW) did a study on the property and classified it in 1980. In 1983 Campbelltown City Council proposed an interim conservation order and a permanent conservation order was placed on the 19th century cottage in 1987. The owners were ordered to make repairs to the property in the early 2000s, and the in 2010 the NSW Office of Heritage and Environment acquired the property as part of the state government’s Biodiversity Offset program.
The State Heritage Inventory considers the estate to an important example of early conservation planning that resulted in the retention of an ‘entire cultural landscape’ containing a homestead group, stone bridge and garden layout. Sydney Living Museums have undertaken considerable conservation and restoration work on the farmhouse and the stone bridge on the access road to the farm house.
New land releases around Beulah
Beulah and its heritage curtilage is potentially threatened by Sydney’s urban sprawl with new land releases in 2013 at Appin to the south along the Appin Road, while to the north there is the Mount Gilead land release adjacent to Campbelltown’s southern suburbs. Both of these land releases are a repeat of the 1973 housing releases. They are low density horizontal developments that add to urban sprawl. They are problematic and fail to add to the existing identity of the area and take decades to develop their own sense of place.
The urban sprawl that is encroaching on Beulah from the south is part of the NSW State Governments 2013 The Metropolitan Strategy for Sydney to 2031. A structure plan developed for the Appin area states that there will 18,300 housing lots release over a 25 year period from around 17,000 hectares. Walker Corporation stated that there is a strong demand for new housing releases in the Appin area and in 2013 26 lots were sold within 2 days of the June land release. There low density houses were similar to in nature to the planned housing developments of 1973 that failed to eventuate.
On the northern approaches to Beulah are the Mount Gilead land releases on a property formerly owned by Lady Dorothy Macarthur Onslow who died in 2013. Mount Gilead is proposed to have 1700 housing lots from 210 hectares which Campbelltown City Council endorsed in 2012. The property contains the historic tower-mill believed the last one in New South Wales along with a homestead, stone stable, and granary dating from the early 19th century.
Appin Road a deadly lifeline
The issue of urban sprawl is complicated by the inadequate road access. Beulah and the Appin and Mount Gilead land releases all front the Appin Road one of Sydney’s most dangerous stretches of road. A major unresolved issue in the area around Beulah and land releases at Appin and Mount Gilead is the upgrading of the Appin Road.
The Sydney Morning Herald stated in early 2016 that the Appin Road was Sydney’s deadliest road. Between 2015 and 2000 23 people were killed on the Appin Road with the latest fatality in January 2016. While the state government has plans for road improvements this will take a number of years meanwhile there is increased traffic generated by new land releases and general population growth of the Campbelltown area.
The Appin Road has always been an important access route between the Illawarra and the Campbelltown area. Before the South Coast railway was extended to Wollongong in 1887 the Appin Road was used as the main access route to the Main Southern Railway at Campbelltown, which opened in 1858. There was a daily coaching service running between Campbelltown Railway Station and Wollongong. There is still is daily coach service between Campbelltown and the Illawarra via Appin, although tese days it mainly caters to university students.
The poor state of the Appin Road is just one of the issues created by Sydney’s urban sprawl. Other issues include fire risks, urban runoff and food security, public transport, waste, water supply, loss of prime farm land, community facilities, pollution, energy, social cohesion, and equity challenges. Beulah is part of story of the Sydney’s rural urban fringe which has been a landscape of hope and loss for new arrivals and local alike. It will be interesting to see the part this important heritage asset plays in this narrative and how the construction of sense will effect new residents surrounding it.
Alan Gilpin, An Inquiry pursuant to Section 41 of the Heritage Act 1977 into objections to the making of a permanent conservation order in respect of the buildings and site known as “Beulah”, Appin Road, Appin. Sydney : Office of the Commissioners of Inquiry for Environment and Planning, 1987.
Campbelltown and surrounding areas have lost much in the way of their local heritage. Does anyone care and more to the point does anyone notice?
Heritage is what the community considers of value at present and is worthy of handing on to the next generation. It is a moveable feast and changes over time. What is important to one section of the community is of no value to another. And so it is with different generations of the one community. Many regret the loss of building from the past yet there were others who did not miss any of these buildings. This story clearly illustrates this trend.
The loss of Campbelltown’s heritage is part of the story of the urban growth of the town and surrounding area. Starting with the 1948 Cumberland Plan then the 1968 Sydney Region Outline Plan of which 1973 New Cities Structure Plan was a part. These plans set a path for a growing community and generated hope for some and loss for others. Campbelltown like other communities has gone through loss and renewal, and some are only interested in the new. Yet the need and yearning for a clear view of the past is part of the human condition where people need to honor and respect their ancestors and what did and did not achieve.
Andrew Allen has started to detail the loss of Campbelltown heritage buildings that coincided with a period of incredible urban growth the Campbelltown LGA in his history blog The History Buff. This blog post details just some of the buildings that have been lost. There have been many others as well.
Lost Buildings of Campbelltown
Marlows Drapery Store, Campbelltown
Retailing in Campbelltown has changed over the decades. There has been a transition from the family store to the mega-malls of today. One family store was Marlow’s Drapery Store.
Andrew Allen writes:
The demolition one quiet Sunday morning in 1981 of an old curiosity shop divided Campbelltown. The shop was built in 1840 and was once owned by former mayor C.J. Marlow who used it as a drapery. It stood between Dredge’s Cottage and the old fire station and Town Hall Theatre.The last owner of the building was Gladys Taylor.
Bradbury Park House, Campbelltown
Andrew Allen writes:
In 1816 Governor Macquarie gave a grant of 140 acres to Joseph Phelps who sold it to William Bradbury the following year. Bradbury Park House was built on this land in 1822.The house was located about 140 metres opposite where the town hall is located in Queen Street. Unfortunately Bradbury Park House was demolished in 1954.
Leameah House, Leameah
Leumeah House at 2 Queen St, Campbelltown (cnr Queen Street and Campbelltown Road) was constructed in 1826. The house was owned by the Fowler family for many years and Eliza Fowler lived there in the 1880s after marrying Joseph Rudd. John Warby was given a 260 acre land grant in 1816 which he called Leumeah. His house was demolished in 1963, but his old stable and barn still exist. Part of the site is now known as Leumeah Stables also known as Warby’s Barn and Stable which were constructed around 1816.
Andrew Allen writes:
Just south of the original Woodbine homestead, and adjacent to the old Sydney Road (since renamed Hollylea Road) there once stood an imposing landmark, Keighran’s Mill. John Keighran purchased the site in 1844 and in 1855 built the mill on the banks of Bow Bowing Creek. Percy Payten was the last member of the Payten family to own the mill. In 1954 he offered the mill to the Campbelltown and Airds Historical Society. The historical society also didn’t have enough funds at the time for its restoration. In 1962 the mill was dismantled and the stone was used in the building of the RAE Memorial Chapel at the School of Military Engineering at Moorebank, which opened in 1968.
Woodbine Homestead, Woodbine
While James Payten was living at Leppington Hall in 1873, he bought Woodbine – the remains of John Scarr’s early farmhouse – as a new family home.The homestead stood on Campbelltown Road (Sydney Road), just north of the bridge, which crosses the railway line.
James Payten and his wife, Sarah (nee) Rose, shared their home with her brother, Alfred Rose and his family. Rose died in 1951 and her aging Woodbine cottage was demolished in the 1960’s.
Ivy Cottage, 31 Allman St, Campbelltown
Some of the buildings that have been lost in Campbelltown have religious connections. One those is Ivy Cottage.
Andrew Allen writes:
Local storekeeper William Gilchrist purchased land in Allman Street and built Ivy Cottage on it for his brother, Rev. Hugh Gilchrist, a Presbyterian minister appointed in 1838 to take charge of Campbelltown and many other surrounding towns. The cottage became the Presbyterian Manse and served as such until about 1882. The cottage was demolished in the 1960s.
The Engadine, cnr Broughton & Lindsay Streets, Campbelltown
The Engadine was built in 1924 by Minto grazier Kelvin Cuthell and designed by local architect A.W.M. Mowle.
Mowle lived at the family farm of Mount Drummond at Minto. He enlisted in the Australian Flying Corps in 1915 with the rank of Lieutenant and returned in 1918. In the 1920s he lived in 44 Wentworth Road, Burwood. In 1926 he supervised renovations, additions and painting of a weatherboard cottage in Campbelltown and in 1929 supervised the construction of shop and residence (SMH).
Kelvin Cuthell married Daphne Woodhouse in 1924 and moved into The Engadine. Kelvin Cuthel died in 1930 and after Daphne died in 1945, her sister Iris moved into the house, remaining there until her death in the 1970s. The house was demolished in 2012.
Milton Park, Ingleburn
Built in 1882 by hotelier David Warby. By 1909 it was owned by Thomas Hilder, manager of the silver mines at Yerranderie in the Burragorang Valley. Later this century it fell into disrepair and the owner, Campbelltown Council, demolished it in 1992 after being unable to secure a financial offer for the building.
Rosslyn House, Badgally Road, Claymore
Marie Holmes writes that she believed the house to be built in the 1860s. Samuel Humphreys purchased two lots of land from William Fowler in 1882 which included the land and house. The house was in the hands of the Bursill family for much of the 20th century.
Andrew Allen writes:
In 1970 the property was sold to the State Planning Authority who in turn transferred it to the Housing Commission for the development of Claymore suburb. The house was left vacant, fell into disrepair and was damaged by fire in the mid 1970s. It was demolished in the late 1970s.
Silver Star Garage, Queen Street, Campbelltown
Charles Tripp operatted the Silver Star Garage on the corner of Queen and Dumaresq Streets, Campbelltown. The Tripp family operated a variety of businesses on the site. In the 1880s there was a blacksmith and wheelwright shop, hired horses and sulkies and operated a mail coach. After the First World War the business changed to sell and service motorbikes, and later serviced motor cars and sold petrol. In the 1920s he sold radios and broadcast radio programmes from the store. The garage was still operating commercially in the 1940s. The premises were demolished in 1966.
Hotels are an ancient institution offering hospitality for the traveller. They provided comfort and shelter, a place to do business, a place to create wealth, a meeting place and a place to rest. In the past they have provided warmth, safety and a good meal from the elements. Hotels in Campbelltown did all of this and their loss has been a tragedy to many from the local community. Some of the hotels that are no longer with us include these listed here.
Royal Hotel, Cnr Railway and Hurley Streets, Campbelltown
The Royal Hotel was originally known as the Cumberland Hotel in the 1880s and became the Royal Hotel in the 1890s. Between 1899 and 1905 the licencee was Thomas F Hogan. Between the 1920s and the 1970s the premises were owned by Tooth & Co. The Royal Hotel was demolished in 1986 and suffered the fate of many heritage icons in Campbelltown and elsewhere.
Andrew Allen writes
The hotel was demolished in the pre-dawn hours of Sunday morning July 6, 1986. Newspaper reports described how at 5.30am council workmen first set up safety barriers around the hotel. By 6am a massive Hitachi caterpillar-tracked back hoe commenced clawing the building down and by evening most of the remains had been removed from the site. Council needed to widen Hurley Street and unfortunately the Royal Hotel was in the way of this.
Lacks Hotel, Cnr Queen and Railway Streets, Campbelltown
Lacks Hotel was located on the corner of Queen and Railway Streets and over the years was part of the complete re-development of Railway Street.
Andrew Allen writes:
Built by Daniel Cooper in 1830 as the Forbes Hotel, in 1901 it was refurbished and renamed the Federal Hotel. The license was transferred to Herb Lack in 1929 and it became Lack’s Hotel. After Herb’s death in 1956, his son-in-law and daughter Guy and Tib Marsden took over. Lack’s Hotel was demolished in 1984. A modern commercial building including a modern tavern now take its place.
Jolly Miller Hotel, Queen Street, Campbelltown
Hotels continued to disappear from the Campbelltown town centre. The buildings might still exist but they changed to other uses for other purposes. One of those was the Jolly Miller Hotel.
Andrew Allen writes:
The Jolly Miller Hotel was built in the late 1840s at the southern end of Queen Street opposite Kendall’s Mill. The hotel was opened by George Fieldhouse who had followed his convict father to New South Wales in 1828. George’s two sons William and Edwin Hallett opened a general store next to the hotel in 1853. This building, which later became the offices for the Campbelltown and Ingleburn News, is still standing opposite McDonald’s restaurant in Queen Street.
Campbelltown continues to grow and renew. Some of that renewal is high quality and other parts of it will disappear with time and be completely forgotten. A clear view of the past is necessary to understand the present. It provides a perspective to life and the human condition. People have a yearning for their story to be told by those who come after them. They want to be remembered and want to leave a legacy. This blog post is part of the Campbelltown story and is attempting to tell Campbelltown’s past.
What’s in a name? Quite a lot if you live in the fringe urban communities of Campbelltown, Camden or Picton in the Macarthur district on Sydney’s rural-urban fringe. In the past these communities have been fiercely parochial country towns with clearly identifiable differences based on history, heritage, traditions, mythology, rituals, demographics, local government and a host of other factors. With the encroachment of Sydney’s urban sprawl they have been wrapped up by the tentacles of the metropolitan octopus and faced challenges on a variety of fronts. The questions that this article raises concern Macarthur regionalism. Is it authentic? How representative is it of the former country towns that are now incorporated within it?
Careful what you call south west Sydney
The issue boiled over in May 2013 when it raised the hackles of locals and outsiders alike in an opinion piece published by Fairfax Media. Campbelltown journalist and editor of the Campbelltown-Macarthur Advertiser, Jeff McGill, wrote an article for the Fairfax Media called ‘Careful what you call south west Sydney’. In the article he maintained that Campbelltown, Camden and Picton residents did not want to be identified as part of Sydney’s south-west or west by Sydney media. McGill stated:
Residents of Campbelltown, Camden and the Picton-based Wollondilly Shire are fed up with being thrown into the same geographic area as Lakemba, Punchbowl and Campsie in a distant, unconnected part of Sydney.
McGill’s article hit a raw nerve and highlighted the contested nature of community identity and a sense of place in three of Sydney’s fringe communities.
The contentious nature of regional identity
The contentious nature of regional identity was reflected in over 200 comments on the blog accompanying McGill’s article. Many bloggers expressed their anger and for CSKN, ‘If you don’t live on the North Shore or the Northern Beaches, then you’re all westies’, or Peter who staunchly maintained that ‘Campbelltown in not Sydney’. Jenny was struck by the snobbery of city-types because she was from Campbelltown.
‘If you mention to someone that you live at Campbelltown you see them slightly recoil, the expression of contempt passing fleetingly from their face. Then they want to know how on earth you managed to get the job, but get through uni. Because, after all, isn’t everyone from Campbelltown slow-witted, lazy, anti-social and committing crimes? Don’t we all have babies at 16, then abuse them while we are drinking and taking drugs?
McGill was surprised by the strength of the anger expressed in the numerous responses to his article. He said that ‘it got an unexpectedly large reaction. I’ve rarely ever been stopped, or contacted, by so many enthusiastic backers. A raw nerve was touched.’ He maintained that local residents got ‘annoyed’ when they are lumped together with ‘Campsie or Punchbowl’, which are over 40 kilometres away. The Sydney media are happy to identify other smaller regional parts of Sydney including the ‘upper north shore’, the ‘lower north shore’, the ‘northern beaches’, yet they lump everyone from Pyrmont to Picton into one amorphous mass.
A local storyteller
As a local storyteller McGill has worked hard to build a narrative of place that underpin people’s identity and attachment to Campbelltown. He is a local identity who grew up in the area, went to Campbelltown High then worked as a journalist at The Daily Telegraph and The Daily Mirror, and returned to the area as the senior journalist with The Macarthur Advertiser. He later became editor of The Penrith Star, then The Liverpool City Champion and finally progressed to be the editor of the Campbelltown-Macarthur Advertiser. He has published a number of local histories and stated that ‘local history gives people pride and a place in our town’ and accords with SM Low’s typology of people’s cultural and symbolic linkages with place that are based on stories, family, loss, land ownership, mythology and spirituality.
A crisis of identity
McGill’s article has highlighted a crisis of identity amongst locals around the ownership and usage of place-names and has created a level of sensitivity in the community. It offends their sensibilities when they are lumped together with other parts of Sydney’s west and south-west, which have their own challenges and stereotypes. Campbelltown resident’s have created an emotional investment in place through the ownership of their stories, traditions and celebrations including family births, marriages, deaths, christening, birthdays, first day at school, sporting events, first day child went to school and a host of other events that give meaning to their lives. These events contribute to a landscape of memories with multiple layers of meaning that build across the generations of human activity. McGill and others want to take possession of their identity and rest it away from the Sydney media and others who proclaim their ownership of the same identity.
One factor that underpins these sensitivities is a perception by many Sydneysiders that the fringe communities of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton, which is located in the Wollondilly LGA, have a distinctive uniformity that extends across parts of Sydney’s west and south-west. This is simply not true. While regionalism in Sydney’s west and south-west are a product of the post-war period when Sydney’s urban growth spread across the Cumberland Plain, regional labels are administrative conveniences used by politicians, planners, economists, technocrats and bureaucrats who fail to understand the diversity of these areas. Take two examples, the jurisdiction of the Ministry for Western Sydney in the New South Wales state government. It takes in the 10 Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils (WSROC) and has added Camden, Campbelltown, Wollondilly and The Hills. On the other hand the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) definition based on labour force regions includes the 12 LGAs: Auburn; Blacktown; Blue Mountains; Camden; Campbelltown; Fairfield; Hawkesbury; Holroyd; Liverpool; Parramatta; Penrith and Wollondilly, while excluding Bankstown and The Hills, which are included in the state governments definition. The one unifying demographic factor identified by the state government is the area’s diversity. The Fairfield LGA has over 70 different languages spoken while Auburn LGA is home to over people from 100 nations. Blacktown, Campbelltown, Liverpool and Penrith LGAs have largest urban communities of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, while 37.3 per cent of the regional population is under 24 years of age, while the area has a projected population of 2.96 million by 2036. Diversity in itself is not a solid basis for the development of any coherent sense of place or a cohesive narrative that has any real meaning to the community. The lack of any identifiable uniformity across these LGAs for ethnicity, culture, history, tradition or other social or cultural factors means that there is no real basis for any true sense of unity. Bruce Baskerville notes that even the term Western Sydney is only quite recent and was first used by Prospect County Council in 1961 and it did not include the Macarthur LGAs of Campbelltown, Camden or Wollondilly. While the state government and ABS are happy to use these administrative regions they have made no serious attempt to develop a cohesive narrative that contributes to the development of any authentic regional identity.
Local resistance to the imposition of these administrative regions by government only complicates the picture. BM Taylor has discussed oppositional identities in regionalism where local interests come together around a regional identity for a particular purpose. The local resistance can be based on local opposition to an arbitrarily imposed regional identity by an administrative body, in this case the New South Wales state government or the ABS. He maintains that regionalism is strongest where other elements of place construction are acting to draw locals together based on a range of other factors including landform, economic factors, socio-cultural factors including common traditions, cultural background, histories, and other spatial considerations.
Smaller regional identities
In reality Sydney’s west and south-west has a host of different smaller regional identities including the communities of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton, a form of local tribalism. Bernard Salt maintains that Sydney is ‘a city of tribes and precincts’, a product of the city’s geography and the values of its residents. Kirsten Craze identified seven tribes of Sydney including ‘the Might West’ while Sacha Molitorisz has identified eight youth tribes and sociologist Gabrielle Gwyther says Sydney’s west contains ‘mulitudes’ of groupings. In 1996 a delegate at a local tourism forum stated that Sydney’s west ‘is too large an area to function with unity. What does Wollondilly have in common with Hawkesbury’. These sub-regional identities are reflected in the local editions of the two principle suburban newspaper publishers across Sydney’s west and south-west. Fairfax Community Newspapers publishes five weekly mastheads in Sydney’s south-west and a further 12 local editions across the remainder of western Sydney, while News Corp stable, publishes 12 mastheads in Sydney’s west and south-west as well as 3 local editions in the Macarthur region under NewsLocal, a division of Nationwide News. These weekly newspapers regularly carry a host of local stories, advertisements and notices that reflect local identity and branding. They are the voice of the local community and act as a noticeboard, which is not a characteristic of the national daily newspapers. Community stores, which are personal and small-scale, are the lifeblood of these newspapers. In many ways these newspapers are purveyors of the gossip that circulates through family and inter-personal networks, the essence of the local.
Sterotypes and bogans
Sydney’s west and south-west have also been stereotyped as regions that are dangerous foreign places, a form of Otherness. According to Diane Powell Sydney’s west is seen by some,, ‘as some kind of ‘third world’ space in relation to the rest of Sydney’. Western Sydney ‘inhabitants are stigmatized, made ‘other’ – victims perhaps of disadvantage, but passive and often hopeless’. Powell quotes a number examples of the Sydney media that portray the western suburbs as ignorant, illiterate yobs. She goes further saying that ‘the many hundreds of newspaper clippings about the western suburbs I have collected illustrate a peculiar pre-occupation with people ‘living on the edge’. One outburst by media commentator Eddie McGuire typified the attitude of many when he dismissed the western suburbs of Sydney as the ‘land of the felafel’. Sydney’s western suburbs, according to philosopher Michael Symonds, are seen by many as ‘an ugly, barren wasteland’, to lack ‘beauty and a history of enchantment’ and the ‘tranquil prettiness of the leafy suburban home’ that can be found in the eastern suburbs, north shore or Sutherland Shire. The west is ‘a cultural wasteland’ which was ‘ugly and dangerous’, the home of ‘the yobbo’, and the ‘westie’, who are part of the ‘otherness’ created by city folk. Bruce Moore has stated that the term westie originated in the 1970s as a pejorative for someone living Sydney’s western suburbs and perceived to be socially disadvantaged and that the term bogan became common in the 1980s. These perceptions are not helped by media headlines that portray the area as a type of war zone. Some examples include: ‘Man stabbed in Sydney’s west’ (Location: Parramatta); ‘Man short in Sydney’s west’ (location: Granville); ‘Man shot dead in Sydney’s west’ (location: Chester Hill); ‘Four men wounded in western Sydney shooting’ (location Smithfield); ‘A house and cars have been damaged in another shooting in Sydney’s southwest’ (location Lakemba); and ‘South-west Sydney ‘a recruitment for Islamic fundamentalists’ (location Auburn).
Some sort of ‘cultural wasteland’
Macarthur residents state that they are not part of Sydney’s west or south-west, which they perceive as some sort of ‘cultural wasteland’. Yet the remainder of Sydney, in the eyes of McGill’s bloggers at least, do see Macarthur residents as part of that so-called wasteland. McGill maintains that the Campbelltown, Camden and Picton area ‘is so much deeper that the bogan stereotype portrayed on TV’. The Campbelltown Chamber of Commerce president Anne Parnham has stated that she is ‘sick of people saying ‘You had another shooting over your way’, when they were in Bankstown’. Campbelltown’s state MP, Brian Doyle, said that ‘he was often… frustrated by broad references to the south-west’. The Deputy Mayor of the Wollondilly Shire, Councillor Benn Banasik said that he ‘didn’t find a real commanlity between people from Fairfield and people for Wollondilly’. One newcomer to the suburb of Harrington Park, who moved from Sutherland, told Gabrielle Gwyther that Harrington Park was not the western suburbs. ‘Its more rural. I wouldn’t live in the western suburbs’. When asked ‘why not?’, the newcomer replied ‘well, they’re a different type of person’.
McGill wants Campbelltown, Camden and Picton to be known as the Macarthur region so as to differentiate them from the rest of western and south-western Sydney. While at the same time admitting that the regional name Macarthur, which he staunchly defends, has ‘nothing to do with Campbelltown’ and yet has become the generic regional identity of the area. So what is the justification for using the place-name Macarthur for the Campbelltown, Camden and Wollondilly LGAs? Is it authentic?
First official use of the term Macarthur
The first official use of the term Macarthur as a regional place-name was the proclamation of the new Federal seat of Macarthur in 1949 after the 1948 re-distribution and the Federal House of Representatives was increased from 75 to 122 members. The new seat of Macarthur was named after the colonial wool pioneers John and Elizabeth Macarthur of Camden Park, which according to a recent heritage report from TKD Architects ‘is the most important surviving early colonial estate in Australia and ranks amongst the most historic houses in Australia’. The original land grant to John Macarthur in 1805 took place on the Nepean River floodplain and eventually the familiy’s colonial estate of Camden Park covered parts of what is now the Campbelltown, Camden and Wollondilly LGAs. The current Camden Park Heritage Precinct listed on the New South Wales State Heritage Register is primarily located in Wollondilly Shire, with a small northwestern section in the Camden LGA, while the northeastern boundary borders the Campbelltown LGA. The historical importance of the Macarthur legacy is closely aligned with the story of the Cowpastures which is located in today’s Wollondilly and Camden LGAs. On a broader level the Macarthur story is just one part of the history of the network of gentry estates that extended across the western Cumberland Plain, when the Macarthur family established Camden as an estate village on the family’s pastoral property. The Campbelltown story is linked to the smallholders who took up the early land grants and the market town that served them, while Picton’s history is a mix of influences linked to the Antill’s estate village and the development of the government town. Daily life in these country towns was ruled by intimacy, class, inter-personal and familial networks, rugged independence, patriarchy, sectarianism, rural poverty and a host of other factors. Each community had an authentic and natural distinctiveness that has contributed to their identity and sense of place. Locals residents had an emotional attachment and a patriotic loyalty to their locality, expressed as parochialism and localism. Today the close geographic proximity of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton means that they are a natural fit for the type of regionalism of Sydney’s rural-urban fringe that is represented by the place-name of Macarthur.
The use of the Macarthur place-name got a leg up in 1958 when local media baron Sydney Richardson felt that local regionalism provided a great business opportunity. There were enough unifying characteristics across the three country towns, he thought, that justified launching a new regional newspaper using the Macarthur masthead. He re-named the Camden Advertiser, a free Camden weekly newspaper he took over from Ken Gibson in 1955, as the Macarthur Advertiser. Richardson had two competing newspapers – the Camden News and the Camden Advertiser – in the same Camden market place. He had previously purchased both the Camden News and Campbelltown News from the Sidman brothers in 1952. Richardson promoted the Macarthur Advertiser as a free regional newspaper and expanded its circulation to included Campbelltown and Picton. The newspaper had a broad regional compilation of news and advertisements from the three towns and he ‘forged and popularized a new regional name for Campbelltown, Camden and Wollondilly’. Richardson, like McGill, was a local patriot and understood the significance of parochialism to the success of his local newspaper empire. Richardson was also president of the Country Press Association of NSW 1960-1962, the Picton RSL, the Camden RSL, the Camden Chamber of Commerce, an alderman on Camden Council and a member Camden Rotary Club. In 1982 Richardson merged the Macarthur Advertiser with other local newspapers – Campbelltown-Ingleburn News, Camden News and Picton Post – which he had previously sold to Suburban Publications, a joint venture between John Fairfax and Sons and Australian Consolidated Press, in 1969.  Richardson’s new regional newspaper prospered and was a builder of community and identity by being a regional voice and notice board for the first time, and in the process strengthened people’s attachment to the concept of a regional identity.
Macarthur Development Board
Town planners and administrators strengthened the official support for the use of the Macarthur place-name in 1975 with the establishment of the Macarthur Development Board, with its head office in Campbelltown’s heritage precinct. Peter Kacirek, the chairman of the Sydney SW Sector Planning and Development Board, renamed it as the Macarthur Development Board, against much local opposition which local residents felt affronted the legacy of Governor Lachlan Macquarie, who proclaimed the town in 1820. Campbelltown parochialism was piqued as many felt that the place-name of Macarthur was more the province of Camden and the Cowpastures, an argument that was more pointed given the decades of rivalry between Campbelltown and Camden. The purpose of the board was to implement the 1973 New Cities Plan for Campbelltown, Camden and Appin as part of the 1968 Sydney Regional Outline Plan. The New Cities Plan called for the development of the Macarthur growth centre, located away from the Campbelltown central business district in Queen Street. The aim of the Macarthur Development Board was to ‘plan, co-ordinated implement’ the New Cities Plan with power to compulsory acquisition of land. Town planner James Deane, from the Urban Development Institute of Australia, felt that the name Campbelltown should be completely abolished and replaced with the City of Macarthur. The New Cities Plan incorporated the colonial story of the Macarthur family and Camden Park and felt that the Macarthur legacy was essential to the identity of the new growth centre. The board stated in 1976 that ‘the area of Macarthur is steeped in rich tradition and much of the early history of New South Wales was recorded here. The aim of the Board it to link the historic past with an exciting and vigorous future and to plan for the enjoyment and benefit of all members of the community’. Unfortunately the Macarthur family felt otherwise and sold most of the pastoral property to housing developers in 1973 against a national outcry.
Town planner Peter Kacirek
Town planner Peter Kacirek, an amiable well meaning person, was chairman of the Macarthur Development Board between 1975 and 1984. He had worked for the UK Ministry of town and country planning and was a major figure in British new town movement. He established the School of Town Planning at the University of Queensland and was at the New South Wales State Planning Authority from 1967 where he was deputy chief planner then chief planner. He was integral to the formulation of Sydney Region Outline Plan and growth centres at Bathurst-Orange and Albury-Wodonga. In 1976 Kacirek was awarded Sidney Luker Memorial Medal awarded by Planning Institute of Australia for the person who has made a notable contribution to urban and regional planning. His part in the development of the Sydney Regional Outline Plan and new Macarthur growth centre were seen as international best practice at the time for urban planning development.
Town planner’s pipe-dream
To the disappointment of many the Macarthur growth centre was a short lived town planner’s pipe-dream. The new regional centre was planned to have high-rise office blocks, conference facilities, sports stadiums, transport interchange and become a city within a city and to be located on Campbelltown Golf Course (1971), which was acquired against significant local opposition. There was some progress within the growth centre precinct with the construction of Macarthur Square (1979), Macarthur Railway Station (1985), the Macarthur Institute of Higher Education (1983) and the launch of a new Macarthur community radio station 2CT (1978) yet the new TAFE college (1981) and hospital (1977) both carried the place-name Campbelltown, not Macarthur. The Federal Whitlam government promised funding of $25 million in 1975, which was slashed in 1976 to $2 million dollars by the incoming Fraser Government but by 1978 all funding had dried up. Open hostilities broke out between Campbelltown City Council and Macarthur Development Board over the ‘regional centre’ in 1979 when the Wran state government approved the construction of Macarthur Square funded by State Super. The Macarthur Development Board continued to foster the regional centre over Campbelltown’s Queen Street precinct as the retail and community hub in 1980, and by 1984 the Board was $200 million in debt. Peter Kacirek was sacked and Ian Henry, former Campbelltown council planner, was appointed by the state government. In 1985 the regional centre was slashed by Wran Labor state government and the Board was stripped of planning power and restructured to Macarthur Development Corporation, which was a small promotion unit. Ian Henry stated that the Macarthur Development Board was ‘an over-expanded planner’s dream turned nightmare’ and in 1989 the MDC restructured and renamed Business Land Group, which was little more that a sales unit.
The Macarthur growth centre road crash had been driven up onto the rocks of divisiveness by the state government’s push of large scale public housing into the Campbelltown area, the development of the ‘ugly Campbelltown’ stereotype and the moral panic that ensued. Problems originated in 1969 when Campbelltown Council was forced to sell large tracts of land at Macquarie Fields to the state government for welfare housing. Fortuitously McGill notes in his history of Campbelltown that critics of the sale were concerned at the time that it would result in ‘slums for the future’, claims that were dismissed by the New South Wales Housing Commission. In 1975 there was a recession and private developers were forced out of housing market and the New South Wales Housing Commission took up the slack. In 1975 the Sydney media portrayed an image of Campbelltown as an ‘ugly houso wasteland’ and in 1976 The Sunday Telegraph stated that ‘Campbelltonians were so embarrassed by their address that they would not admit it’. In 1978 Catholic Bishop Dr William Murray visited Minto and criticized the high density public housing and by 1978 one third of all Campbelltown residents were ‘public housing tenants’. In 1980 the Sydney media generated moral panic around public housing ‘ghettos’ and there was continued criticism of public housing enclaves at Macquarie Fields, Airds, Minto, Claymore and Ambervale. Public housing was accused of generating a ‘demoralised’ way of life and public meetings of tenants labeled criticism at ‘cheap, shoddy journalism’. By 1984 the New South Wales Housing Commission had changed its priorities and abandoned a new public housing estate at Bow Bowing.
Local politician Elizabeth Kernohan,
From the 1970s one of the biggest champions of the Macarthur legacy was local politician Elizabeth Kernohan, whose political activity indirectly supported the Macarthur place-name. Kernohan, an agricultural scientist, was originally politicized by the 1973 release of the New Cities Plan, which she felt would destroy the area’s rurality. She was subsequently elected to Camden Council and in 1991 state parliament. Her political mantra centred on the powerful combination of the Macarthur mythology at Camden Park, along with Camden’s rurality, Englishness, rural heritage and conservatism. She used this an effective weapon to batter the supporters of both Sydney’s urban sprawl and the Macarthur growth centre at a local and state government level. Her political activities were enlivened by the public outcry at a local, state and national level in 1973 by the sale of most of Camden Park by the Macarthur family to land speculators. She vigorously defended the history and heritage of the Macarthur legacy in a bitter 1995 election campaign in defence of her Camden seat where Kernohan raised the folk devil of public housing and ‘the ugly Campbelltown’ stereotype against a residential development at Cawdor. She successfully elevated the iconic symbolism associated with presence of the Macarthur brand across the region while staunchly defending the areas rurality assisted by her immense popularity. One of her legacies is the location of the Elizabeth Macarthur Agricultural Institute on the former pastoral property of Camden Park, with the institute’s website boasting that it continues the traditions of John and Elizabeth Macarthur.
The communities of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton have an ongoing connectedness to their rural heritage and in the face of Sydney’s urban sprawl the region’s rurality takes a number of forms. There is the annual country show in each community and other community festivals that honour their colonial past. There is also a common nostalgia about the loss of their country town status and the countryside that went with it with its rural landscape of fences, paddocks, haysheds, farmhouses, and other features. At Campbelltown the rural landscape and vistas have been protected along the ridge line between Denham Court and Mount Annan under scenic protection zonings as the ‘Scenic Hills’ in 1972, which restricted development of an area that is still today characterized by its rural acreages and large homes. Even in the late 1960s, as McGill notes is his Campbelltown’s history, as new suburbs started to appear at Bradbury, Ruse and Leumeah Heights newcomers were complaining in letters to editor in local newspapers that ‘they had escaped the rat race and wanted Campbelltown to remain as the same uncomplicated, semi-rural haven they had first found’. Even under the 1951 County of Cumberland Scheme where Campbelltown was identified as a satellite town there were green belts of open space, which effectively aimed to protect the area’s rurality. The scheme acknowledged the both natural and historic landscapes and County of Cumberland Scheme undertook a historic survey of historic buildings in Campbelltown in 1963 and purchased Campbelltown’s Queen Street Georgian buildings. This was the first time that the New South Wales Government had acquired privately owned buildings and was seen as a landmark in the state’s conservation movement.
Macarthur regionalism and peri-urbanism
Today the most important unifying theme between Campbelltown, Camden and Picton in their peri-urban location, on the city’s rural-urban fringe which acts to foster Macarthur regionalism. Their community identity and sense of place has been re-shaped by the forces of urbanization as the Sydney juggernaut as it moved across the Cumberland Plain. The urban fringe has attracted newcomers and Sydney’s ex-urbanites looking for an imagined rural arcadia promoted by land developers and other rent-seekers in master-planned estates. The rurality of these edge communities is contested as a range of actors seek to commodify it on a stage of competing interests around stereotypes and perceptions. The combination of these factors has meant the arrival of Sydney’s urban sprawl has seen some in the community retreat to an idealized version of these country towns, a form of ‘country town idyll’ that is based on the use of local history and heritage. Wollondilly Shire promotes its rurality through its policy ‘Living Together in Rural Wollondilly’ which states that the council provides ‘an opportunity for residents to live amidst a rural setting of productive farming enterprises’.
With the failure of the Macarthur growth centre another official attempt at developing Macarthur regionalism occurred in 1986. The Hawke Federal Government played a role in development of Regional Organisations of Councils (ROCs) through the Federal Government’s Office of Local Government and its Local Government Development Program. It came out of the Hawke government’s conviction that local authorities could make a positive contribution to the Commonwealth’s national economic reform strategy. The Camden, Campbelltown and Wollondilly LGAs came together in 1986 as MACROC, the Macarthur Regional Organisation of Councils with its headquarters in Campbelltown. MACROC’s charter states that its aim is to ‘promote a regional approach to issues’ and to develop ‘regional facilitation, planning and coordination’, to promote ‘a regional economic growth strategy’ and ‘provide a voice for regional issues’. MACROC has had mixed success, and while some accuse it of being a talkfest, its presence has supported Macarthur regionalism. MACROC spokesperson Christine Winning defends its role as in regional advocacy and states that has a achieved a number of outcomes of regional importance in the areas of job creation, economic growth, education, small business, local government, environment and tourism since its foundation.
Macarthur Country Tourist Association
The voluntary sector has had a role to play in promoting Macarthur regionalism through the establishment of the Macarthur Country Tourist Association in 1978. The association had the supported of Campbelltown, Camden, Wollondilly and Liverpool councils, although it collapsed in 1994 after Wollondilly Shire withdrew support. In 1996 after the collapse of the association, Camden Council set up the Camden Interim Tourist Committee and continued to operate independently from Oxley Cottage in Narellan. In 2008 Camden and Campbelltown LGAs started a joint tourism project as part of the Macarthur Tourism Action Plan which was marketed as Destination Macarthur, and was influenced by Tourism New South Wales’s Destination Development Program and the 2007 Griffith Local Government and Shires Association Tourism Conference which used the theme Tourism – An Investment. Wollondilly General Manager Les McMahon has stated that the council was not involved in the 2008 venture because of cost considerations and not any lack of support for local regionalism. In recent months, according to McMahon, the council has re-examined the potential benefits of being involved with a regional approach to tourism. The Wollondilly region conducts an independent tourism strategy through the Wollondilly Tourism Association Inc which is supported by Destination Macarthur, MACROC and Wollondilly Shire. While the website promotes shire attractions, it omits Camden Park, which is located in Wollondilly Shire. McMahon agrees that Macarthur regionalism needs a clear identity based on the place-name of Macarthur, which has been partially accomplished in Destination Macarthur’s Official Visitors Guide 2013/2014. The Guide gives an account of the Macarthur legacy around Camden Park, although not recognizing its unique national status, while attempting to build a Macarthur tourism brand based on ‘adventure, dining, outdoors, golf, farm visiting and accommodation’. Within the Guide the Macarthur legacy is relegated to a short section on ‘living history’ and states ‘the region of Macarthur is named after renowned pioneers, John and Elizabeth Macarthur’. It does add that ‘Macathur’s heritage is evident at every turn and adds to the region’s charm’ and ‘a simple walk down the towns’ main streets will reveal a rich array of colonial architecture’.
Macarthur regionalism and local business
Over the years Macarthur regionalism has had mixed support by the local business and community voluntary organizations. A survey of telephone listings of local businesses in 2011 indicated that only 156 business listings used the term Macarthur in their business name, for example, Macarthur Tavern, Macarthur Camera House and of these 61 businesses were located in Campbelltown, while the remainder were located in other local suburbs. On the other hand the traditional names of the country towns of Camden, Campbelltown and Picton were the preferred option for business names with 134 had Camden in their business name, while 140 used Campbelltown in their business name, for example, Camden Towing Services and Campbelltown Car Detailing. A search of the 2014 Wollondilly Business Directory reveals that 24 businesses have used the Picton place-name, while at a district level even the Telstra telephone listings were located in the 2013 Campbelltown Telephone Directory which included Camden and Picton.
In Macarthur lifestyle magazine
Amongst local businesses there are some prominent and enthusiastic supporters of Macarthur regionalism as a coherent market place and branding that has a distinctive identity. Most notably In Macarthur lifestyle magazine publisher David Everett who has stated that his support for Macarthur regionalism for his business ‘seemed obvious and wasn’t really a decision’. Everett’s quarterly magazine started in 1999, has a print run of 20,000, is published in Campbelltown and is distributed throughout the three LGAs at points in Macarthur Square, Campbelltown, Camden, Narellan, Mt Annan, and Picton. Everett feels that Macarthur is a different geographic region to Sydney’s south west, ‘is culturally quite different’ and has ‘a sense of community’, which he maintains is ‘quite rare in the rest of Sydney’. He states that there is ‘a distinct region [which] feels like a region’ and the ‘name describes quite an organic community’ across all three LGAs. Amongst other local businesses that use the regional branding is the Macarthur Credit Union, which adopted the Macarthur name in 1978. The credit union wanted to extend its brand and grow its customer base and changed it name in 1978 from the Clutha Employees Credit Union, which was established in 1971, to the Macarthur Mutual Credit Union and extended membership to the local community. It then progressively established branches across the region starting with Picton in 1979, Camden 1979, Narellan 1990, Tahmoor 1994. It changed its name in 1994 to Macarthur Credit Union and started a mobile service at Oran Park.
Community radio station 2MCR,
Local media outlets are prominent supporters of Macarthur regionalism including Community radio station 2MCR, which started operations on the 1989 and promotes itself as “Heart of Macarthur”. It was the first radio station aimed at broadcasting to the Macarthur region, are staffed and operated entirely by volunteers and broadcasts 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. The local commercial radio state C91.3, which has been on air since 2001, uses a call sign 2MAC and the slogan ‘Macarthur First’. It has a limited broadcast area of the major centres of Campbelltown and Camden under Federal Government broadcast regulations and is owned by WIN Corporation. The local print media have been supporters of Macarthur regionalism for decades, although in recent years have responded to the resurgence of localism under the influence of globalization by re-establishing local editions of Macarthur regional newspaper titles (mentioned earlier).
Camden Community Directory
Similarly the community voluntary sector has a mixed response for its support of Macarthur regionalism. An examination of the 2005 Camden Community Directory only has 53 voluntary organizations that used Macarthur in their title, out a total listing of 380 entries. One current regional organization is the Macarthur Community Forum, which is an inter-agency organization which was incorporated in 2000 and changed its name to Sector Connect in 2008. It covers the four local government areas of Campbelltown, Camden, Wollondilly and Wingecarribee and acts a peak organization for the not-for-profit sector across the LGAs. The organization operates Volunteering Macarthur and acts as an agency for other government related services including Macarthur Youth Services Network and MacUnity. Other regional voluntary organizations range from the Macarthur Rural Fire Service to regional sporting organizations including Macarthur District Soccer Football Association and Macarthur Basketball Association, while 2013 saw the birth of Quota International of Macarthur after the demise of the Camden Quota Club.
Conclusions for Macarthur Regionalism
In conclusion, a name does matter and Macarthur regionalism is a touchy issue in the communities of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton where identity, place, stereotypes and perceptions are realities for some but not for all. The authentic use of the regional term Macarthur has been contested from its origins and still generates more heat than light. While acknowledging that the Macarthur story and Macarthur legacy does have links to all these communities they all developed identities as small closed rural communities. Government, business and the voluntary sector have a mixed response to Macarthur regionalism. Government has a mixed history on the issue while some local businesses see an identifiable separate market place.
Macarthur regionalism has been caught up in the broader issues of regional stereotypes applied to Sydney’s west and south west. McGill and others are seeking to re-take ownership of their identity using the Macarthur place name. It is a hot-button issue given people’s emotional investment in the characteristics that make up the identity of local residents. While Macarthur regionalism has some traction there is still parochial loyalty to the place-name of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton. This creates layers of meaning and memory for many based on hope and loss and a host of other elements that are all part people’s daily lives and their identity.
For Macarthur regionalism to gain wider community acceptance its supporters need to develop a much clearer identity and branding. While it has the support of government, business and voluntary organizations there needs to be a stronger narrative around a common message. The cultural landscape of Macarthur regionalism has three common elements that need to be part of the message: the colonial narrative of the Macarthur legacy at Camden Park; the regions rurality; and other aspects of the region’s cultural heritage. A reasonable start would be to develop a coherent story based on the heritage of the Macarthur family and the national status of Camden Park homestead precinct, followed by support for the region’s rurality that is used by local government, land developers, newcomers, politicians and a host of others. A strong narrative around these themes will have the additional benefit of strengthening community connections and social cohesion, which will in turn increase the meaning, purpose and satisfaction in people’s lives. Regionalism will build community resilience and break down social exclusion particularly in the newly emerging communities where Sydney’s ex-urbanites are seeking a new beginning in a new community. Hope and loss are constant themes that emerge for newcomers as they attempt to build their new identity and sense of place.
 BM Taylor, ‘Regionalism as resistance: Governance and identity in Western Australia’s Wheatbelt’, Geoforum, 43 (2012), 507-517.
 Bernard Salt, ‘City of hills and tribes flying into urban chaos’, The Australian, 31 March 2012. Kirsten Craze, ‘The seven tribes of Sydney’, The Daily Telegraph, 11 July 2012. Sacha Militorisz, ‘Tribes of Sydney’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 7 January 2010. James Robertson, ‘Defining western Sydney’, The Sydney Morning Herald Online, 5 April 2014. Online @ http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/defining-western-sydney-20140404-3646u.html accessed 5 April 2014.
 Camden Interim Tourist Committee, Minutes, 26 June 1996.
 Lesley Johnson, Julie Langsworth and Michael Symonds, ‘Introduction’, in Home/World, Space, Community and Marginality in Sydney’s West, (eds) Helen Grace, Ghassan Hage, Lesley Johnson, Julie Langsworth and Michael Symonds, Pluto Press, Sydney, 1997, p2.
 Diane Powell, Out West, Perceptions of Sydney’s Western Suburbs, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1993, p.xvi
 Rachel Olding, ‘McGuire-he lied with a falafel in his hand’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 12-13 February 2013, p.3.
 Michael Symonds, ‘Outside the Spaces of Modernity: Western Sydney and the Logic of the European City’, in in Home/World, Space, Community and Marginality in Sydney’s West, (eds) Helen Grace, Ghassan Hage, Lesley Johnson, Julie Langsworth and Michael Symonds, Pluto Press, Sydney, 1997, pp. 85, 88-89.
 Megan Gorrey, ‘Why we call ourselves Macarthur?’, Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser, 22 May 2013
 TKD Architects, Managing the Future of Camden Park, Menangle, New South Wales, Camden Park Preservation Committee, Camden, 2014.
 ‘Mr Syd Richardson board chairman’, Camden News, 26, 27 & 28 August 1969. Jeff McGill, ‘Local history caught by newspaper Webb’, Camden Advertiser 2 March 2005. ‘From Camden Advertiser to Macarthur Advertiser’, Wollondilly Advertiser 10 February 2010.
 James Deane, ‘Roles in Response to Change’, Royal Australian Planning Institute Journal, January 1974, vol 12 no 1, p.35.
 Macarthur Development Board, New Cities With History, Promotional brochure, Campbelltown, 1976.
 Ian Willis, ‘Townies, ex-urbanites and aesthetics: issues of identity on Sydney’s rural-urban fringe’, AQ – Australian Quarterly, Vol 83, Issue 2, (Apr/June 2012).
 Bob Meyer, ‘Peter Kacirek, Obiturary’, Australian Planner, December 1993, p.62.
 Jeff McGill, Campbelltown, A Modern History, 1960-1999, Campbelltown and Airds Historical Society, Campbelltown, 1999, p. 29.
 McGill, Campbelltown, A Modern History, 1960-1999, pp. 29, 49.
 McGill, Campbelltown, A Modern History, 1960-1999, pp. 29-70.
 Ian Willis, ‘Townies, Ex-urbanites and aesthetics, issues of identity on Sydney’s rural-urban fringe’, AQ- Australian Quarterly, April-June 2012, pp.20-25. Ian Willis, ‘The member for Camden, Dr Elizabeth Kernohan’, AQ – Australian Quarterly, January-February 2005, pp.21-25.
 Jeff McGill, Campbelltown, A Modern History, 1960-1999, Campbelltown and Airds Historical Society, Campbelltown, 1999, p38.
 Neil Marshall, Brian Dollery, & Angus Witherby, ‘Regional Organisations of Councils (ROCS): The Emergence of Network Governance in Metropolitan and Rural Australia?’, Australasian Journal of Regional Studies, Vol 9, No. 2, 2003, pp. 169-188.
 Christine Winning, Executive Officer, MACROC, email, 4 April 2014.
Camden News 16 August 1978. Betty Yewen, Interview, Camden, 9 April 2014. Betty was the former secretary of the association for a number of years. Pam Down, Macarthur Country Tourist Association, Correspondence, 26 November 1994.
 Camden Interim Tourist Committee, Minutes, 26 June 1996.
The historian is advised to walk the ground of their studies and subject matter. When it happens it can be a real eye-opener. It challenged my view of these colonial stories and myths when I visited Baragil Lagoon in 2015 (see Blog post).
The site is quite scenic. It is open Cumberland Woodland with broken dappled light coming through the tree canopy and bird calls in the background. The site is largely undisturbed and is as described in Macquarie’s journal (see blog). If you shut your eyes you could imagine the scene in 1810 with similar sounds, smells and sensations.
As a I visitor was ‘walking on hallowed ground’ where the mighty and famous had gone before. There was ‘a spiritual experience and awakening’ to what others have written about before on these matters. The experience could be best described with words like ‘challenging’, ‘interesting’, and ‘enlightening’.
So what is the point of this pontificating?
It set me off of on a journey involving my curiosity. It prompted me to ask questions about the colonial period on the Cowpastures and its meaning.
But how to enter the colonial world of the settlers and re-examine the stories and narratives that I had been brought up with.
One attempt at this has been Stokes work. She has attempted to examine the historical and archaeological evidence and looked at the pre-colonial movements of the Dharawal people in the Illawarra and Shoalhaven regions. She maintains that:
Spatial mapping of these historical observations is informative in its own right. Spatially formatted incorporation of tangible and intangible evidence of associations and connections within Aboriginal communities has been demonstrated to be a particularly valuable and meaningful approach (p4)
Stokes looks further at the concept of cultural landscape, a fundamental concept in the use of heritage in Australia. She states:
Country, for Aboriginal people, is organised and understood by people’s various and particular relationships with, and connections to it. Knowledge of the interrelationship of everything binds environmental, spiritual, aesthetic and economic categories of information and life (Wesson 2005:6). In contrast, European culture, at the time of colonisation at least, divided people, land and activities into discretely bordered classes and categories, organised hierarchically. European knowledge structures also involved separation of information into smaller and smaller parts (Wesson 2005:6) (p12)
She then states that a cultural exchange has shifted this binary view of the world. The
Understanding of plurality of meaning of things underpins both theory and practice in archaeology today (e.g. Hodder above and multivariate methods used later in this thesis). This shift in western thinking, as with all cultural change, is an outcome of exchange. (p12)
Questions and their validity?
This post is interested in the questions around settler colonialism and the opportunity it provides to reflect on the colonialism of the southern Cumberland Plain.
This post is just asking:
Is this an opportunity to pose a number of questions?
Examples might be:
Is settler colonialism an appropriate lens to the view the events, myths and perceptions of the colonialism of the Cumberland Plain?
Are there new types of colonialism at work on the Cumberland Plain?
What has the Appin Massacre got to do with any of this?
Colonialism and the popular imagination
So what are we talking about?
There are numerous myths and stories surrounding the colonial period on the southern Cumberland Plain. Some of these are part of the foundational story of the nation.
The Cumberland Plain has been subjected to many new frontiers that are global in nature. These frontiers have been based on ideas, culture, social, technology, political, and a host of other areas.
A new idea is born and it creates a new concept. This then spreads out across the globe in a wave like formation.
The wave process challenges the status quo. The new idea might become the dominant narrative or story.
There is the process of making and re-making places, societies, cultures, lifestyles and other activities.
One of these new frontiers has been the movement of people across the globe. Waves of people at various times in the past. They came to colonies of New South Wales to make a new life in a new land.
They came the colonies with the intention of staying in their new locality. They invaded and took possession of territory. One way of interpreting this is settler colonialism.
Settler colonialism is an area of study looking at the occupation of space and the occupation of land, particularly indigenous territory.
The concept of settler colonialism has been particularly applied to New Zealand, Australia, South Africa and Canada, while more recently Israel, Algeria and other localities.
Patrick Wolf expressed settler colonialism in terms of race with the binary notion of blackness and whiteness. This certainly applied to the southern Cumberland Plain.
Sydney’s Cumberland Plain has been the site of place making from late 18th century.
The landform has shaped the human response to the land, and humans have shaped the landform to suit their purposes.
From the later 18th century there have been a number of successive waves of invasion, succession, dispossession and displacement.
Each time a culture has attempted to create the dominant narrative, that is, form their own stories around the landscape.
There has been peace and conflict, hope and loss – all expressed in a binary context – good and evil, moral and immoral, black and white, outsider and insider.
When the colonial frontier arrived it was a movable locality where violence was part of the existence.
From the practice of naming landforms to taking ownership to outright conflict. The aim of the invaders was the possession of territory. They all intended to stay.
On the Cumberland Plain 18th century settlement of New South Wales can be expressed in these terms.
The new European arrivals were here to stay and took possession of the territory displacing and eventually dispossessing the indigenous people.
The New South Wales colonial authorities started making land grants and pushing Aborigines off their country. The Europeans named landform features and took ownership. They were re-making the existing landscape in their own vision of the world.
Granting land to Europeans by Europeans was structured dispossession of indigenous territory. This created conflict and violence, which has been well told by Grace Karskins’ The Colony.
The British came with a form of capitalism that created a market structure or market economy, where there was none and forced the indigenous inhabitants to take part in it.
The act of dispossession removed the agency of the indigenous people and removed and diminished their sovereignty.
The new arrivals came with new hopes and aspirations for themselves, while the act of dispossession created a loss of hope for indigenous people.
These acts were all played out on the Cumberland Plain ending up in the violent conflict that took place in the Appin region in 1816 and the loss of life. It was not the first conflict on the Cumberland Plain. There were clashes between new white arrivals in the Hawkesbury and Aborigines before 1816.
The wave of new settlers onto the Cumberland Plain had parallels in other parts of the world. The new frontiers of settlement across North America – the Western Frontier of 19th century America.
New Colonialism on the Cumberland Plain
Expansion of the urban frontier
There is a 20th and 21st century parallel to the dispossession suffered by the Dharak, Dharawal and Gundungurrra. That process is the movement of the urban frontier of Sydney’s rural-urban fringe across the Cumberland Plain from the 18th century.
The 18th century expansion of the British Empire and the settlement of New South Wales was an expansion of the urban frontier of metropolitan London and part of the British colonial enterprise.
The act of creating the urban settlement of Sydney was an in effect an act of expanding the urban frontier from the home country. One way to view the Great Britain in the late 18th century was as an urban market based economy.
As the British metropolitan project arrived from England in Sydney Cove it moved inland to Parramatta – Parramatta indigenous name, vs Sydney England name – and by 1810 into the Hawkesbury and the Nepean River.
This continued with new waves of arrivals.
The urban expansion of the 20th century was about taking possession of territory from settler farmers by new urban dwellers.
The new urban dwellers and the structured expansion of urban Sydney forcibly took possession of land. There was the resumption of land for roads and other infrastructure.
Sydney’s rural-urban fringe is the site of dispossession and displacement, hope and loss and parallels the early narrative of 19th century settler colonialism.
Sovereignty and the rural-urban fringe
The rural-urban frontier is a moving frontier that removes the sovereignty of existing land users and displaces them.
These processes have been studied by geographers, sociologists, anthropologists, archaeologists, urban historians, urban planners, architects and others interested in the construction of place.
These processes and human reactions were experienced by the Indigenous people that were displaced in the late 18th and 19th century on the Cumberland Plain.
Settler colonialism creates a re-imaging of the landscape and the themes of hope and loss are embedded in the narrative and stories that are created in the re-imagined landscape.
There are winners and losers and they each have their own stories of hope and loss. The Cumberland Plain has been the stage that these actors played out their roles in this story.
Appin and the urban frontier
Appin is currently undergoing a type of new colonialism. A new process of invasion and succession by a new set of invaders.
These new arrivals are dispossessing the existing landholders and removing their sovereignty. The new arrivals are taking possession of the territory. Sydney’s urban expansion is taking place in the new suburbs and estates that are appearing in and around Appin.
There are parallels between the conflict on the urban frontier and the colonial frontier of the 19th century and the bicentenary of the 1816 Appin Massacre and the creation of a new landscape by the new urban settlers.
It is an interesting question to ask: Has this process heightened the sense of interest in the commemoration of the massacre in the popular imagination? There has been extensive coverage of the bicentenary of the massacre in the media – Channel 7, Daily Telegraph, SMH, ABC Radio and others.
Some claim that there is a bad spirit as you drive through the area. Local Aboriginal people will not go to the area. While others have commemorated the massacre at the Campbelltown Arts Centre, and in song writing.
The massacre has been an act of forgetting for nearly 200 years. Broughton Pass is a beautiful location with a dark past.
The question is: What has caught the popular imagination on the bicentenary of the massacre?
Broughton Pass is largely undisturbed woodland. As you approach from Appin you pass through farmland much as you would have in the 1810s and abruptly come upon the gorge. Just as the military would have confronted the local Aboriginal people 200 years ago. This is brought out the art exhibition at Campbelltown Art Centre ‘With Secrecy and Despatch’.
What is the basis of the current interest?
Is it the possible acknowledgement of the past events and the violence of the colonial frontier on the Cumberland Plain?
There is a paradox in the act of remembering the massacre at Broughton Pass and the act of the forgetting and loss experienced in the resumption of rural farmland for housing.
On the edge, the making and re-making of place
To sum up.
The Cowpasture and Cumberland Plain are sites where there has been the making and re-making of place.
Place is constructed on stories, memories, ceremonies, traditions, celebrations around the dominant narrative.
The Cowpastures is part of the southern Cumberland Plain where there have been waves of new ideas.
One of these new ideas could be a re-interpretation of the dominant narrative using the methodology of settler colonialism.
It could ask more questions?
 Karen Stokes, Stone, Sources and Social Networks Tracing Movement and Exchange Across Dharawal Country, Southeastern Australia. BA (Hons) Thesis, UoSyd, 2015.
Grace Karskins, Appin Massacre, Dictionary of Sydney Click here
Governor Lachlan Macquarie, accompanies by Mrs Macquarie, made his final visit to the Cowpastures and the Campbelltown area in January 1822.He inspected the area around Cawdor, Camden Park, Brownlow Hill, and Macquarie Grove.
Maquarie also descended into the Illawarra and travelled through the area around Tom Thumb Lagoon and Lake Illawarra (Allowrie)
Read his diary entries:
Wednesday 9. January 1822.
I set out from Sydney this morning in the Carriage, accompanied by Mrs. Macquarie and Lachlan, at 7 o’clock, on a short Excursion to visit the Revd. Mr. Reddall & Family at Macquarie Field, and the Cow Pastures; having made an appointment with Sir Thomas Brisbane to meet us at the latter Place. —We arrived at Liverpool at 1/2 past 9, Breakfasted at Dillon’s Inn, and staid afterwards at Mr. Moore’s till 12 o’clock. We then pursued our Journey to Macquarie Field — where we arrived at 1 p.m. — and were most kindly & hospitably received by the Host & Hostess.
I found Mr. Meehan here, who had arrived from Bathurst on the day preceding.— My Servants & Baggage for my Tour to Illawarra had also arrived here last Night. —We sat down to Dinner at 5 o’clock, and went early to Bed.—
Thursday 10. January 1822
We got up early, and Mrs. M. and Lachlan set out with me in the Carriage a quarter before 7, o’clock this morning for the Cow Pastures, intending to spend a couple of days at Cawdor the Government Principal Station there.—
We found the Cow Pasture Road, generally, very rough and bad for Travelling and it took us two Hours and a quarter from Mr. Reddall’s to the Ford over the River Nepean at the old Government Hut, which is only a distance of 14 miles.
The Ford itself, and both Banks being very steep, we found much difficulty in passing; but we accomplished it without sustaining any accident. —From the Ford it is near 4 miles to the Government Cottage at Cawdor — where we arrived at a quarter before 10. a.m. the weather being extremely hot at that time. —Mr. David Johnston met us on the Road on the Eastern side of the River Nepean, and conducted us at Cawdor. Here we found Mr. De Arrietta a Spanish Gentleman who has lately obtained a grant at the Cow Pastures.—
This is the first time of Mrs. Macquarie’s visiting Cawdor, which she admires very much.
Nancy Moore followed us in the Curricle from Mr. Reddall’s, with Edmund Sorell — whom Lachlan had asked to accompany him to Cawdor. —We had our Breakfast soon after our arrival.—
At 2. p.m. Sir Thomas Brisbane, attended by Major Ovens, Mr. Oxley, Capt. Antill, and Mr. Murdoch joined us at Cawdor. —The Day being excessively hot, we did not dine till 6, o’clock when we sat down Eight Persons to Dinner.—
The Govt. Cottage at Cawdor has lately been very much improved, and enlarged since I was last here — and is quite sufficient to accommodate us all. —We went early to Bed, intending to ride out very early in the morning.
Friday 11. January 1822
I got up at 5, o’clock this morning — and soon afterwards Sir Thos. Brisbane, Mr. D. Johnston, & Mr. Murdoch set out from Cawdor to Brownlow-Hill to inspect the Govt. stock at that Station. —We had a very pleasant Ride along that rich Tract of Pasture Land extending from Cawdor along Mount Hunter Creek to Brownlow Hill, distant 8 miles from the former. —We inspected the Govt. stock there accordingly — and returned Home to Breakfast at 1/2 past 8 o’clock.—
After Breakfast, we mounted our Horses again and rode to Mr. McArthur’s Farm of Camden — where we inspected all his Improvements and Stock and returned Home again at 2, o’clock; having been this day 7 1/2 Hours on Horse-back.—Mrs. M. Lachlan, Teddy, and Nancy Moore went all in a Cart, on our return Home, to view at a distance Mr. McArthur’s Improvements — and returned Home by 5, o’clock.—We dined at 6 p.m. and went early to Bed, intending to rise very early tomorrow morning. Saturday 12. January 1822.
We all got up this morning at Half past 4 o’clock — and set out from Cawdor at Half past 5, o’clock; Sir Thomas Brisbane travelling with Mrs. M. me and Lachlan in our Carriage. —We crossed the Nepean at the Ford of Macquarie Grove, a Farm belonging to Mr. Hassall, and thence we travelled by the Cow Pasture Road to Mr. Meehan’s Farm of Macquarie-Field — where we arrived at 8, o’clock. —We had Breakfast soon afterwards. —After Breakfast, I accompanied Sir Thomas Brisbane to Liverpool to inspect the Public Buildings there, and remained with him till his departure for Parramatta — when I returned to Macquarie Field. The Revd. Mr. Reddall had Mr. Moore, Mr. Throsby, Dr. Hill, and Mr. Meehan to Dine with us, besides his own Family today.—
Sunday 13. January 1822 —
Mrs. Macquarie, Lachlan, and myself, accompanied by Mr. Meehan — and John and Nancy Moore — went this morning before Breakfast to see John Moore’s Farm in Minto District, adjoining that of Mr. Brooks. —We viewed and examined different parts of it — and Selected the fittest Place for building the House & offices on, which John Moore marked out accordingly. —This Farm is distant about 3 miles from Macquarie-field — and Eight miles from the Town of Liverpool.
In honor of their young Master, John & Nancy Moore have named their farm “Lachlan-Valley”. We returned to Meehan Castle at 9, o’clock to Breakfast.—The Revd. Mr. Reddall went to perform Divine Service at Campbell-Town — but returned Home to Dinner.—We dined at 1/2 past 5 — and went early to Bed.— Monday 14. January 1822
Got up at 1/2 past 5. a.m. At 1/4 past 6. Mrs. M. Lachn. Edmund Sorell & Nancy Moore, set out in the Carriage for Sydney — whilst I, accompanied by Mr. Meehan, set out at the same time on my intended Tour of Inspection to Illawarra, through the Districts of Airds and Appin; the Revd. Mr. Reddall accompanying us to Campbell-Town. —On our arrival there, we ordered Breakfast at Bradbury’s and whilst it was getting ready, I accompanied Mr. Reddall to see his Glebe and the Site he had selected for Building his Parsonage House on. —The Glebe is about 2 miles distant from Town, and very pleasantly situated commanding a fine extensive [view?] of the rich and beautiful District of Aids. —We were absent about an Hour and a Half absent [sic] — and then returned to Brad bury’s where we took a good and hearty Breakfast at Ten o’clock.
After Breakfast we proceeded to take a survey of the Township and the New Church — and which is a very pretty Building. The walls are up to their full Height and fit to receive the Roof, which is preparing and will be put on in the course of the ensuing week. We fixed on the Site of the Burying Ground, within a convenient distance of the Church — and which is to consist of 3 acres of Ground. —The principal Inhabitants assembled to meet us, and expressed themselves highly pleased at the arrangements made on this occasion.— The Revd. Mr. Reddall took his leave of us at 1/4 before 12 at Noon — and returned Home, whilst I and Mr. Meehan pursued our Journey for Illawarra.—
Mr. Bradbury is now building a very good two story Brick-House on his own Farm, and on a very pretty Eminence immediately adjoining Campbell-Town, as an Inn for the accommodation of the Public, and having asked me to give his Farm a name, I have called it “Bradbury Park”.—
Campbell-Town is 13 miles from Liverpool — and 8 miles from Mr. Meehan’s Farm of Macquarie-Field –; it is a very beautiful and centrical situation, surrounded by a rich, Populous Neighbourhood, and making a good stage for Persons travelling to the Southern and Western Districts.–
The Road through Aids and Appin for the first 20 miles from Campbell-Town is tolerably good — but from Mr. Broughton’s Farm all the rest of the way to the Mountain Pass of Illawarra is most execrably bad for any sort of wheel-carriage. —This very bad Road commences at King’s Falls, where we crossed the Head of George’s River very near its source, and from thence nothing can be worse — it being almost impassable for a Cart or Gig — and I confess I wondered at my Baggage Dray and Gig getting on at all without breaking down.
After scrambling over about 8 miles of this horrid rough Road we arrived at 4. p.m. at a Stream of Water in a Deep Valley about 9 miles from Mr. Broughton’s Farm, which I have named “David’s Valley” in honor of Mr. David Johnston who joined us here just as we were about sitting down to Dinner at 6, o’clock; and in this Valley we Pitched our Camp for the Night.—
Tuesday 15. January 1822
We got up at Day-break and had our Baggage Packed up and arranged, sending back the Curricle, and Dray with the heavy Baggage, to Mr. O’Brien’s Farm in Appin; the Road being too rough and bad to admit of their proceeding farther on the Journey to Illawarra. —We therefore put all the Baggage and Provisions required for our Journey on three Pack Horses.—
Mr. Cornelius O’Brien joined us at this station just as we were ready to set out. —
At 10 mins. past 6. a.m. we set forward on our Journey; and after passing over some very bad Road, and crossing the Cataract River near it’s [sic] source, we arrived at the summit of the great mountain that contains the Pass to the Low Country of Illawarra — the Top of this mountain being three miles from our last station. —On our arrival on the summit of the mountain, we were gratified with a very grand magnificent Bird’s Eye view of the Ocean, the 5 Islands, and of the greater part of the low country of Illawarra as far as Red Point. —After feasting our Eyes with this grand Prospect, we commenced descending the mountain at 20 mins. after 8, o’clock. The Descent was very rugged, rocky, and slippery, and so many obstacles opposed themselves to our progress, that it was with great difficulty that the Pack-Horses could get down this horrid steep descent. —At length we effected it, but it took us an Hour to descend altho’ the Descent is only one mile & a Half long. —The whole face of this mountain is clothed with the largest and finest Forest Trees I have ever seen in the Colony. —They consist chicfly of the Black-Butted Gum, Stringy Bark, Turpentine, Mountain Ash, Fig, Pepperment [sic], Box-Wood, Sassafrass, and Red Cedar; but the latter is now very scarce, most of it having been already cut down and carried away to Sydney. —There are also vast Quantities of the Cabbage, Palm, and Fern Trees, growing in the face of the Mountain, the former being very beautiful and of great Height. —
Finding that this mountain has never yet received any particular name, I have christened it the “Regent Mountain”, as it was first descended by Mr. Throsby in the year 1815, when our present King was Regent of the United Kingdom.
We arrived at a Creek containing a very pretty Stream of Fresh running Water about 1 1/2 miles from the foot of the mountain at a qr. past 9, o’clock, and here we halted to Breakfast and to refresh our men and Cattle. —I have named this stream of Fresh Water “Throsby’s Creek”, in honor of Mr. Throsby who first crossed it on his descending the Regent Mountain.
Governor Macquarie then inspected the area around Tom Thumb Lagoon, and Lake Illawarra (or Allowrie)
Wednesday 16. January 1822
We set out from Mr. Brown’s at 1/2 past 8 o’clock to explore the Country to the Southward and Westward; having first sent off our Servants and Baggage towards the Mountain over which the new Road from Illawarra to Appin has recently been made by Mr. O’Brien.
We proceeded through a very rich Country in a southerly direction for two miles, till we arrived on the left Bank of the Macquarie-River, a very pretty Stream of Fresh Water about 20 yards in Breadth, which falls into the Lake — and is full of Fish — with Cedar and other good Timber growing on its Banks. From the Macquarie River we travelled on in a westerly direction to Col. Johnston’s Farm near the foot of the mountains. This Farm is a very fine one, well watered, and contains some very extensive beautiful Meadows bordering on the Lake and River. We continued our Journey still in a westerly direction to Mount Throsby — which we ascended for the purpose of having a view of those parts of Illawarra which I had not time to visit. On our arrival on the summit of this Hill. we had a most extensive fine view of all the low Country to the Southward and Eastward of us — including the Sea, the Lake, and the River. —At 12 at Noon we descended Mount Throsby — and then directed our course backwards, through a fine open Forest, towards Mr O’Brien’s new Road, which we arrived at 2. p.m. —Having rested ourselves & Horses at a fresh water creek, at the foot of the Mountain we were to ascend, for half an Hour, we commenced ascending the first Range at 1/2 past 2; — and at 4. p.m. we arrived on the Top of the Mountain; which having obtained no particular name before, I have christened it “Mount Brisbane” in honor of the new Governor Sir Thomas Brisbane. I rode up the whole of the mountain, which is about two miles long, exclusive of the Ranges leading to the foot of it — which are at least two miles more in length. —The Road is perfectly safe and passable for Cattle, and is what may be termed a good Bridle Road; — and it might he made a good Cart Road with very little more trouble. —In ascending a very steep part of the mountain through some carelessness in the Driver, one of our Pack Horses with his Load, slipped and tumbled over three [text missing?] several times till he was stopped by a large Tree. —We all concluded he was killed, but the Load preserved him, and after being disengaged from it, he got upon his Legs again without being in the least hurt, or wounded. —We came up with, or rather overtook the Baggage about Half way up the Pass, which was fortunate, as we were thus enabled to afford the People in charge of it our assistance. With exception of this accident we all got up Mount Brisbane perfectly safe, and with great ease to ourselves.—
The face of this mountain is also studded with very large fine Timber of the same description as that on the Regent Mountain, but there are more Cedar Trees on the former than on the latter. —I had one noble Cedar (Red) Tree measured on this mountain which measured 21 feet in Diameter and 120 feet in Height; the size of it being greater, and the Tree itself a finer one than I had ever seen before. —The part of it which measured 21 feet in circumference was Ten feet from the Root of it, and continued to be of the same size for 60 feet above the ground. —I also saw here the largest and finest Box Trees I had ever seen in the Colony.
We had a noble extensive view of the Ocean and part of Illawarra from the Summit of Mount Brisbane. —We rested a few minutes on the Top of the Mountain, and then pursued our Journey towards Appin at 20 minutes past 4, o’clock, over a very good Bridle Road, tho’ a little rough and stony. —At 10 minutes past 7 p.m. arrived at a very pretty thick Forest, with good grazing for cattle, distant about Ten miles from the Top of Mount Brisbane. Here we took up our Ground for the Night, our men and cattle being rather tired. This day’s Journey is about 32 miles. —Mr. O’Brien has named this Place Lachlan Forest in honor of my beloved Boy.—
Thursday 17. January 1822
We got up early and Breakfasted — then had our Baggage packed up and sent off, and set out ourselves from Lachlan-Forest at 1/2 past 8, o’clock a.m. After riding Five miles over a tolerable good Road, through an open Forest Country, we arrived at the Cataract River at 1/2 past 9 a.m. the Banks of which are immensely high and rocky — and almost perpendicular. Here Mr. O’Brien succeeded in cutting out and forming a tolerable good Pass on either side of the River, and altho’ very steep he has brought over a Cart & Team of Bullocks through the Passes thus made on each side of the River. It is frightful to look at — but perfectly safe for Cattle and Persons on Horseback. I rode down the Pass on the Right Bank of the River, and up that on the Left Bank without once dismounting.
It appearing to me that Mr. O’Brien has great merit in constructing this Road (which was by subscription) with such few Hands and slender means, I have christened the Pass of the Cataract River after him, namely — “O’Brien’s Pass”. —He had only six men employed on this Line of Road (about 21 miles from Appin to Illawarra) with Sixty Pounds subscribed by the Principal Gentlemen who had large stocks of Cattle at Illawarra. Having crossed to the Appin side of O’Brien’s Pass, we pursued our Journey. —I called on Mrs. Broughton at “Lachlan Vale” 3 miles from the Cataract River, and remained an Hour with her & her Family. I afterwards proceeded on my Journey, calling at Mr. O’Brien’s Farm, where the Baggage was ordered to Halt — and wait our arrival. —Here I quitted my Horse for the Tandem and set out in it for Sydney at 1/2 past 12, o’clock, leaving my Servants & Baggage to follow next day at their leisure. —
I stopt [sic] at Liverpool to change Horses for Half an Hour, then set out again, and arrived at Government House Sydney at Ten minutes past six o’clock; finding my dear Mrs. M. and our Darling Boy in good Health, and sitting down at Dinner, with a few friends, namely Major Antill, Dr. Ramsay, and the Revd. Mr. Reddall.
I had almost forgot to mention that I left my Travelling companions Mr. Meehan, Mr. David Johnston, and Mr. O’Brien at the House of the latter, where they were engaged to dine previous to their proceeding to their respective Homes.